Περίληψη
Με την έναρξη του απελευθερωτικού αγώνα, πολλοί Αρχιερείς εγκατέλειπαν τις επαρχίες τους εισρέοντας ως πρόσφυγες στις ελεύθερες ελληνικές περιοχές και θέτοντας τις υπηρεσίες τους στη διάθεση των επαναστατικών αρχών. Με τη δράση που ανέπτυξαν στη συνέχεια, οι πρόσφυγες αυτοί Αρχιερείς αναδείχτηκαν σε παράγοντα με ιδιαίτερα σημαντική συνεισφορά τόσο στα γεγονότα της εθνεγερσίας όσο και στην εκκλησιαστική διοργάνωση του νεοελληνικού κράτους. Στο διάστημα της περιόδου από την έναρξη της επανάστασης μέχρι τη Β’ Εθνοσυνέλευση (1821 – 1823), παρά τους έντονους πολιτικούς ανταγωνισμούς και την τάση των πολιτικών να προβαίνουν στη χειραγώγηση των Ιεραρχών, οι εμπερίστατοι πρόσφυγες Αρχιερείς προσέφεραν πολλά όχι μόνο στο πολιτικό, αλλά και στο στρατιωτικό και το διπλωματικό πεδίο, ενώ παράλληλα αξιοποιήθηκαν και στο ζήτημα της εξεύρεσης οικονομικών πόρων για τη στήριξη του αγώνα. Ωστόσο, η εκκλησιαστικά μετέωρη κανονικότητα της αρχιερωσύνης τους, που προέκυψε από την εγκατάλειψη των επαρχιών το ...
Με την έναρξη του απελευθερωτικού αγώνα, πολλοί Αρχιερείς εγκατέλειπαν τις επαρχίες τους εισρέοντας ως πρόσφυγες στις ελεύθερες ελληνικές περιοχές και θέτοντας τις υπηρεσίες τους στη διάθεση των επαναστατικών αρχών. Με τη δράση που ανέπτυξαν στη συνέχεια, οι πρόσφυγες αυτοί Αρχιερείς αναδείχτηκαν σε παράγοντα με ιδιαίτερα σημαντική συνεισφορά τόσο στα γεγονότα της εθνεγερσίας όσο και στην εκκλησιαστική διοργάνωση του νεοελληνικού κράτους. Στο διάστημα της περιόδου από την έναρξη της επανάστασης μέχρι τη Β’ Εθνοσυνέλευση (1821 – 1823), παρά τους έντονους πολιτικούς ανταγωνισμούς και την τάση των πολιτικών να προβαίνουν στη χειραγώγηση των Ιεραρχών, οι εμπερίστατοι πρόσφυγες Αρχιερείς προσέφεραν πολλά όχι μόνο στο πολιτικό, αλλά και στο στρατιωτικό και το διπλωματικό πεδίο, ενώ παράλληλα αξιοποιήθηκαν και στο ζήτημα της εξεύρεσης οικονομικών πόρων για τη στήριξη του αγώνα. Ωστόσο, η εκκλησιαστικά μετέωρη κανονικότητα της αρχιερωσύνης τους, που προέκυψε από την εγκατάλειψη των επαρχιών τους, τους καθιστούσε απόλυτα εξαρτημένους από την πολιτική Διοίκηση.Στην επόμενη περίοδο (1823 – 1828) οι αφίξεις νέων προσφύγων Αρχιερέων συνεχίστηκαν. Τότε, κατόπιν των φιλάδελφων προτάσεων των ελλαδιτών Αρχιερέων, η πολιτική Διοίκηση άρχισε να διορίζει τακτικώτερα πρόσφυγες Αρχιερείς σε χηρεύουσες επαρχίες. Στις εμφύλιες διενέξεις που ακολούθησαν (1823 – 1825), οι πρόσφυγες Αρχιερείς κατόρθωσαν όχι μόνο να παραμείνουν σχετικά αμέτοχοι, αλλά και να μετάσχουν σε ειρηνευτικές παρεμβάσεις για την καταλλαγή των αντιπάλων παρατάξεων. Η συμβολή τους στον αγώνα συνεχίστηκε, ενώ συμμετείχαν στην –ισχνή ακόμα– μέριμνα της Διοίκησης για την εκπαίδευση και στις επιτροπές που σχημάτιζε για την εξέταση διαφόρων νομικών ζητημάτων.Κατά την περίοδο του Κυβερνήτη Ι. Καποδίστρια (1828 – 1831) τα εκκλησιαστικά πράγματα βελτιώθηκαν σημαντικά. Μετά την αποκλιμάκωση των πολεμικών επιχειρήσεων, έγινε δυνατή η αξιοποίηση των προσφύγων Αρχιερέων σε ειρηνικά έργα, ιδίως στα ζητήματα της παιδείας, όπου είχαν σημαντικότατη προσφορά, ενώ και η ποιμαντική τους δραστηριότητα έδειχνε σημεία αισθητής βελτίωσης. Το ιδιαίτερο ενδιαφέρον του Κυβερνήτη για τους πρόσφυγες Αρχιερείς εκδηλώθηκε, μεταξύ άλλων, και με την έκδοση σχετικού Διατάγματος (34/18-10-1829), το οποίο προέβλεπε τη λήψη πρόνοιας για την ένδειά τους και την –υπό προυποθέσεις– κυβερνητική άδεια για να ιεροπράττουν ακώλυτα όπου καλούνταν. Επιπλέον, ο Κυβερνήτης επιδίωξε την αποκατάσταση της πνευματικής επιστασίας του Οικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου στην Ελλάδα, πράγμα που, όπως ήλπιζε, θα επέφερε και την οριστική ρύθμιση του ζητήματος των προσφύγων Αρχιερέων, πολλοί από τους οποίους χειραγωγούνταν από τους πολιτικούς του αντιπάλους. Μετά τον θάνατο του Ι. Καποδίστρια, το νεοσύστατο ελληνικό κράτος εισήλθε σε περίοδο αναρχίας (1831-1833). Η ελεγχόμενη από τους αντιπολιτευόμενους τον Ι. Καποδίστρια πολιτικούς Διοικητική Επιτροπή προχώρησε σε μεταθέσεις και παύσεις προσφύγων Αρχιερέων, που γίνονταν στη βάση αποκλειστικά πολιτικών κριτηρίων. Πολλοί εξ αυτών, προσαρμοζόμενοι πλέον στην νέα πολιτική κατάσταση, εξέφρασαν με δήλωσή τους την αποστασιοποίησή τους από την πολιτική του Ι. Καποδίστρια και τη νομιμοφροσύνη τους στη νέα Διοίκηση.Με την ανάληψη της εξουσίας από την Αντιβασιλεία του Όθωνα (1833), οι υπό απόλυτο κυβερνητικό έλεγχο πρόσφυγες Αρχιερείς αξιοποιήθηκαν για την επίτευξη του στόχου που τέθηκε σε άμεση προτεραιότητα, δηλ. την διοικητική αποκοπή της ελλαδικής Εκκλησίας από το Οικουμενικό Πατριαρχείο (αυτοκέφαλο). Μεθοδεύτηκε, έτσι, η τέλεια εξίσωσή τους με τους ελλαδίτες κανονικούς συναδέλφους τους, που πλέον αποτελούσαν μειοψηφία στο αρχιερατικό σώμα, με αποτέλεσμα την χωρίς δυσχέρειες επιβολή όλων των, πολιτειοκρατικού χαρακτήρα, κυβερνητικών ρυθμίσεων στο εκκλησιαστικό ζήτημα της Ελλάδας.
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Περίληψη σε άλλη γλώσσα
The critically formative period of the newly established Greek State, beginning with the National Struggle for Liberation in 1821, is generally accepted as being the foundation upon which the current organization of Greek ecclesiastical life was built. This study investigates the effect of one of the most important yet largely unknown factors to have influenced the ecclesiastical developments of that period: namely, the Refugee Bishops. From the very beginning of the National Struggle of Liberation to throw off the Ottoman yoke, the prevailing conditions of persecution - whether actualized or imminent - which existed throughout the provinces of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, exerted such intense pressure on Bishops, that many were forced to leave their positions by seeking refuge in territories controlled by the armed forces of the Greek Uprising. Of these Bishops, some managed to escape after being arrested and imprisoned by the Ottomans, some abandoned their Sees in order to avoid arre ...
The critically formative period of the newly established Greek State, beginning with the National Struggle for Liberation in 1821, is generally accepted as being the foundation upon which the current organization of Greek ecclesiastical life was built. This study investigates the effect of one of the most important yet largely unknown factors to have influenced the ecclesiastical developments of that period: namely, the Refugee Bishops. From the very beginning of the National Struggle of Liberation to throw off the Ottoman yoke, the prevailing conditions of persecution - whether actualized or imminent - which existed throughout the provinces of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, exerted such intense pressure on Bishops, that many were forced to leave their positions by seeking refuge in territories controlled by the armed forces of the Greek Uprising. Of these Bishops, some managed to escape after being arrested and imprisoned by the Ottomans, some abandoned their Sees in order to avoid arrest and the suffering which it entailed, while others rushed to liberated Greece, where they able to assist in the National Struggle.However, shortly after the start of the National Uprising, a climate of intense political competition developed among the rebellious Greeks, which inevitably affected the hierarchical issue, more especially so with the Refugee Bishops. The latter, whose episcopal canonicity was in question following their departure from the province for which they were ordained, became absolutely dependent upon the political Administration, which strove to manipulate them accordingly. Despite their inevitable exposure to such treatment, the Refugee Bishops still managed to contribute to the political, the military and also to the diplomatic fields, right from the beginning of the Struggle.During the period 1823-1828, the number of Refugee Bishops arriving in liberated Greece grew larger. Groups of fellow Greek Bishops advocated their appointment to vacant provinces, and these proposals received satisfactory responses from the Administration. This was in fact, a fraternal and exemplary stance amid the political turbulence that eventually culminated in open Civil War (1823-1825). The Refugee Bishops managed not only to remain relatively uninvolved in the communal strife, but they also participated in peacekeeping operations for the reconciliation of rival factions, while continuing their contribution to the struggle for National Liberation with remarkable results. Their skills were also drawn upon not just by administrative bodies set up for the provision of education, but also in administrative committees formed by the Government, for the purpose of examining various legal issues. However, the appointment of Refugee Bishops in provinces where their fellow Bishops also ministered, created serious problems. A case in point, is the Metropolis of Athens, where for a long while, as many as four Refugee Bishops were ministering simultaneously. During the same period, civil conflicts and the invasion of Ibrahim's troops which ensued, had as a consequence, a rapid deterioration of the situation in all areas. The Refugee Bishops saw their provinces being ravaged and facing difficulties of all kinds, such as poverty, mutual hostilities, lack of discipline amongst the clergy, contempt from the faithful, and frequent disapproval from the Administration.During the period under Governor John Kapodistrias (1828-1831), the situation of the Church had improved significantly. The Governor took a particular interest in relieving the Refugee Bishops from their past tribulations. Within an atmosphere of relative calm once the business of war had been significantly reduced, it was now possible to deploy these Bishops for peacetime projects, especially in educational matters where their contribution proved to be the most significant, while their pastoral activity likewise showed signs of tangible improvement. The entry of new Refugee Bishops continued, as did practical governmental concern for their settlement and their emerging problems. Despite his sympathy and sincere interest in the Refugee Bishops, the Governor did not continue the practice of previous administrations by equating them with their canonical fellow Bishops in free Greece. While knowing that many of the Bishops - especially amongst the Refugees - were under the control of his political opponents, Governor Kapodistrias was confident that the restoration of spiritual stewardship of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the administration of the Greek Church, would, together with other positive factors, diffuse the potencial of their political exploitation. It is for this reason that he actively sought after the swift reunion of the Greek Church with the Mother Church in Constantinople.After the death of John Kapodistrias and the short period in power of his brother Augustine, the country entered a period of anarchy (1831-1833). Political power now passed into the hands of the politicians who had stood in opposition to Kapodistrias. A huge transformation took place in politics, which amongst other things, had forced most Refugee Bishops into making efforts to adapt. Such efforts are recorded in reports, which show them affirming their loyalty to the new Administration and distancing themselves from the Kapodistrian Governments. Most striking is the fact, that some of these reports written by persons who enjoyed special favour from Kapodistrias himself, such as the Bishop Anthimos of Heliopolis. The new Administration proceeded to apply broad administrative changes, transferring and withdrawing Refugee Bishops, based on exclusively political criteria.With the assumption of power by the Regency of Otto (1833) which used the pretext of protection of the Church of Greece from external influences, the latter embarks upon a slippery slope leading to its arbitrary autocephaly and official separation from the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Prominent Greeks like the Archimandrite Theoklitos Pharmakidis who were opposed to the Patriarchate, were swift to assist the Regency in its efforts. However, the implementation of such decisions, required the extortion of consent from the Episcopal body. For this purpose, a method was contrived of exploiting Refuge Bishops –almost all of whom were under total government control– by granting them equality with their canonical fellow Bishops of free Greece, to participate in an Episcopal Assembly that would approve the aforementioned scheme. Despite the refusals made by some, everything was approved exactly as predetermined by the Regency.Contemporaneous with the Declaration of Autocephaly of the Greek Church - which had effectively detached it from the Mother Church in order to subjugate it to the political administration of the newly formed state - a Standing Holy Synod had been established, which was obliged to act more as an agent of the Government, rather than as a canonical ecclesiastical authority. Together with the comliance of the Holy Synod, an Episcopal division of the territory into 40 Dioceses was instigated, whereby 10 would be permanent and 30 temporary. The reasoning behind this division, was to accommodate the multitude of Refugee Bishops. Proceeding further with the allocation and placement of Bishops (21-11-1833), the Regency even abolished the titles of Greek Eparchies and their canonical Bishops, thereby brutally violating the existing Patriarchal order. Thus occurred the longed for perfect equalization of canonical Greek with the Refugee Bishops and the assimilation of all to the status quo of the new ecclesiastical administration. The distribution and placement of Bishops on the territory, marks the end of this study, because after this ruling, it is no longer possible to speak of any personal or collective action made by the Refugee Bishops. The activity of Refugee Bishops in free Greece under such difficult and stressful conditions, is not comprised of strictly positive or strictly negative elements. Nevertheless, the positives far outweigh the negatives. The Refugee Bishops, in their majority, struggled and contributed to the national cause with purity, bravery, heroism and selflessness. They fought, they suffered, they taught, they inspired and they hastened to wherever duty called them. Nevertheless, this duty was not determined by themselves, but the political administration of each period. By complying to the dictates of the latter, as loyal patriots, the Refugee Bishops did not once avoid partaking in actions that served purely political interests. However, the responsibility for these actions lies not so much with themselves but with those who had imposed them.
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